Hollow, indirect¹¹This can be observed, for example, in the fluid modelling of the bronze’s interior, a consequence of so-called ‘slushing’, i.e. the pouring of liquid wax that adheres in hardened form to the mould’s inner wall. cast with separately cast arms and lower legs, attached to the body by brazing and reinforced with bronze rods in the shoulders and knees. It was carefully detailed in the wax (brimmed hat, decoration of baldric), combined with some retouching. Traces of the original translucent reddish lacquer patina are visible on the legs, arms and hands. Tomographic images reveal two heavy, wedge-shaped bronze plugs in the interior of the lower body and an arched insertion soldered in the back. These repairs have been very well finished on the outside; they are hardly discernible with the naked eye.
Alloy brass alloy with some tin and some lead; copper with high impurities (Cu 83.64%; Zn 10.68%; Sn 1.92%; Pb 1.52%; Sb 0.26%; As 0.20%; Fe 1.34%; Ni 0.31%; Ag 0.10%).

R. van Langh in F. Scholten, M. Verber et al., From Vulcan’s Forge: Bronzes from the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 1450-1800, exh. cat. London (Daniel Katz Ltd.)/Vienna (Liechtenstein Museum) 2005-06, p. 166, no. 39, figs. 39a, b

On a modern (19th or early 20th century?) black-lacquered socle.

…; ? collection Landgraves (and later Kings) Von Hessen-Kassel, Kassel; ? Hessisches Landesmuseum, Kassel;²²Note RMA (Inventory Book): Zou afkomstig zijn uit het museum te Kassel en verkocht aan de kunsthandelaar Bohler [sic] te München (Said to have come from the museum in Kassel and sold to the dealer Bohler [sic] in Munich). Yet inquiries at the museum produced no evidence of the statue ever having been held in its collection. Nowhere is it listed in the Inventarbuch of the kings of Hessen-Kassel from 1881. My thanks to Dr Antje Scherner, Sammlung Angewandte Kunst, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel (written communication 4 and 9 September 2015). from the dealer ‘Alte Kunst’, Stuttgart, acquired by the dealer J. Böhler, Munich;³³Written communication Dr H.R. Weihrauch, 1952 and Note RMA (Inventory Card). from whom, acquired by the dealer Charles Albert de Burlet, Berlin and Basel, by 1930;⁴⁴In 1930, the bronzes was in the possession of the Dutch dealer Charles Albert de Burlet (1882-1956) in Berlin. This is conveyed in a letter written by the art historian A. Staring, on behalf of the Vereeniging Oranje-Nassau Museum, addressed to De Burlet, dated 19 February 1930 (in Object File), in which he stated his belief that the bronze was a portrait of William of Orange, but that his fellow colleagues expressed little support for his vision. He indicated his desire to purchase the bronze for his museum, but that he was unable to make the necessary financial arrangements, in part due to the doubt concerning the identification. See also J. Leeuwenberg with the assistance of W. Halsema-Kubes, Beeldhouwkunst in het Rijksmuseum, coll. cat. Amsterdam 1973, no. 229; M. Kalusok in H. Borggrefe et al., Moritz der Gelehrte: Ein Renaissancefürst in Europa, exh. cat. Lemgo (Weserrenaissance-Museum Schloss Brake)/Kassel (Staatliche Museen Kassel, Orangerie) 1997, p. 223. from whom, fl. 2.500, to the museum, 1948

Object number: BK-16083

This bronze figure of a striding man has been a matter of research and discussion as far back as 1930, when still in the possession of a Berlin gallery. At first glance, it appears to be a small portrait of a man with distinct facial features, accurately rendered in the attire of Spanish court fashion circa 1575, which held sway throughout Western Europe at this time: pumpkin breeches worn with hose (known as trunk hose), a doublet with lace ruff and cuffs, a medallion worn at the breast and a felt, brimmed hat. Particularly striking is the strong treatment of the wide sleeves, with folds rendered in simple but effective surfaces. Draped over his breeches on the left is an ornamented baldric, a holder for his missing rapier. A medallion hangs from his neck on a ribbon. On the doublet to the right, one discerns an engraved insignia in the form of a fleur-de-lys: its presence suggests a courtly status versus that of a wealthy burgher. At the time of its acquisition by the Rijksmuseum in 1948, the Striding Man was still believed to be a possible portrait of Prince William I of Orange. Its presumed maker was the man responsible for the prince’s funeral monument in Delft: Hendrick de Keyser (1565-1621), the city sculptor of Amsterdam.⁵⁵The bronze was first attributed to De Keyser by Leeuwenberg. He likewise conceived it possible that the bronze’s manufacture was somehow connected to the funeral monument of Prince William of Orange. J. Leeuwenberg, ‘Drie werken met meer of minder zekerheid aan Hendrick de Keyser toegeschreven’, Maandblad voor Beeldende Kunsten 24 (1948), pp. 294-303, esp. pp. 300-01. The lack of any resemblance when comparing the bronze to various documented portraits of the prince, however, disproved the tenability of the identification.⁶⁶J. Leeuwenberg with the assistance of W. Halsema-Kubes, Beeldhouwkunst in het Rijksmuseum, coll. cat. Amsterdam 1973, no. 229 no longer mentions this identification. More difficult to dismiss was the attribution to Hendrick de Keyser,⁷⁷As early as 1948, the statuette was regularly discussed in the literature as a work by De Keyser himself or someone in his circle, often together with a small portrait of a man later recognized by Avery as a self-portrait of Giambologna (inv. no. BK-15116), see J. Leeuwenberg in Verslagen omtrent ‘s Rijks verzamelingen van geschiedenis en kunst 1949, p. 17; H.R. Weihrauch, Europäische Bronzestatuetten, 15.-18. Jahrhundert, Braunschweig 1967, p. 361 and fig. 437; E. Szmodis-Eszláry, ‘Un petit bronze inconnu de Hendrick de Keyser: Sculptures Néerlandaises, Hollandaises et Flamandes en Hongrie’, 3, Bulletin du Musée Hongrois des Beaux-Arts 34-35 (1970), pp. 93-102, esp. p. 102; C. Avery, ‘Hendrick de Keyser as a Sculptor of Small Bronzes: His Orpheus and Cerberus Identified’, Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 21 (1973), pp. 3-24, esp. p. 5 and fig. 3 (reprint in C. Avery, Studies in European Sculpture, vol. 1, London 1981, pp. 175-89, esp. p. 176 and fig. 3). R. Seelig-Teuwen, ‘Kavalier und Magd: Zu Barthélemy Prieurs Bronzestatuetten’, Weltkunst 23 (1991), pp. 3706-09, esp. p. 3709; also J. Leeuwenberg with the assistance of W. Halsema-Kubes, Beeldhouwkunst in het Rijksmuseum, coll. cat. Amsterdam 1973, no. 229. even after a bronze signed by the sculptor (BK-1959-61) surfaced in 1959, clearly showing that the sculptor employed a far more fluid modelling style with his smaller bronzes entirely, unlike that encountered on the present piece.⁸⁸Scholten in F. Scholten, M. Verber et al., From Vulcan’s Forge: Bronzes from the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 1450-1800, exh. cat. London (Daniel Katz Ltd.)/Vienna (Liechtenstein Museum) 2005-06, p. 126; F. Scholten, ‘Gegossene Bewegung: Anatomie einer um 1600 entstandenen deutschen Bronzestatuette’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 76 (2015), pp. 191-213, esp. pp. 195-96. Equally unconvincing is the bronze’s attribution to the sixteenth-century Dutch sculptor Johan Gregor van der Schardt (1530-c. 1581), as proposed by Honnens de Lichtenberg in 1991. According to her theory – resting on vague stylistic observations such as the rhythmischen Ausdrucks, wobei der Körper im Gleichgewicht bleibt, and the Lebendigkeit, die es ausstrahlt – the statuette was made at some point during the sculptor’s roughly two-year stay at the Danish court (1576-1578).⁹⁹H. Honnens de Lichtenberg, Johan Gregor van der Schardt: Bildhauer bei Kaiser Maximilian II, am dänischen Hof und bei Tycho Brahe, Copenhagen 1991, p. 128. Honnens de Lichtenberg’s theory can nevertheless be rejected when comparing the present work to documented or generally acknowledged bronzes and terracotta portraits by Van der Schardt, characterized without exception by their elegance, stylized poses and a treatment of the drapery folds, utterly unlike that encountered on the Striding Man.¹⁰¹⁰K. Neville, ‘Johan Gregor van der Schardt and Frederik II of Denmark’, Sculpture Journal 22 (2013), no. 2, pp. 21-32; N. Jopek, ‘Review of H. Honnens de Lichtenberg, Johan Gregor van der Schardt: Bildhauer bei Kaiser Maximilian II, am dänischen Hof und bei Tycho Brahe, Copenhagen 1991’, The Burlington Magazine 135 (1993), pp. 833-34; F. Scholten, ‘Gegossene Bewegung: Anatomie einer um 1600 entstandenen deutschen Bronzestatuette’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 76 (2015), pp. 191-213, esp. pp. 196-97. In her view, though initially with some reservation, the Striding Man’s facial features matched those of the Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe (1546-1601), with whom Van der Schardt maintained what she described as an intensive (though undocumented) collaboration.¹¹¹¹H. Honnens de Lichtenberg, Johan Gregor van der Schardt: Bildhauer bei Kaiser Maximilian II, am dänischen Hof und bei Tycho Brahe, Copenhagen 1991, pp. 34-43. Just as with the former identification involving William of Orange, however, any purported resemblance between the bronze and this second historic figure can be rejected outright, as Brahe’s face – oval in shape, with a long, pointed moustache, and most notably, a strikingly noticeable artificial nose, a consequence of having lost part of his real nose during a duel in 1566 – are notably different.¹²¹²M. Gannon, ‘Tycho Brahe Died from Pee, Not Poison’, Live Science, 16 November 2012. The absence of the astronomer’s standard insignia, the Danish Knights of the Order of the Elephant, is perhaps most telling.

Contrary to being a portrait, the Striding Man is very likely a rare example of a genre-like figure known as a Kostümstatuette, designed to convey an accurate image of clothing worn in a given era.¹³¹³Scholten in F. Scholten, M. Verber et al., From Vulcan’s Forge: Bronzes from the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 1450-1800, exh. cat. London (Daniel Katz Ltd.)/Vienna (Liechtenstein Museum) 2005-06, p. 126; F. Scholten, ‘Gegossene Bewegung: Anatomie einer um 1600 entstandenen deutschen Bronzestatuette’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 76 (2015), pp. 191-213, esp. p. 197. It was precisely in the second half of the sixteenth century that a growing interest in specific, locally oriented clothing styles began to emerge. This interest manifested itself in the making of so-called ‘fashion dolls’ – initially intended as diplomatic gifts exchanged among princely houses in early modern Europe, but later also as children’s playthings¹⁴¹⁴Y.C. Croizat, ‘“Living Dolls”: François Ier Dresses his Women’, Renaissance Quarterly 60 (2007), pp. 94-131. – and in the publication of illustrated costume books, which served to codify the ‘cults of dress’ from various geographic regions.¹⁵¹⁵U. Rublack, Dressing Up: Cultural Identity in Renaissance Europe, Oxford 2010, pp. 146-61. In the latter category, the best-known example is Hans Weigel’s Trachtenbuch from 1577, which includes a depiction of a Deutscher Landtsfürst dressed in attire virtually identical to that worn by the Amsterdam Striding Man, excepting the mantle and plumed cap.¹⁶¹⁶Hans Weigel, Trachtenbuch, Nuremberg 1577, plate V. In the precise detailing of the raiment, the same bronze also readily compares with a somewhat smaller bronze costume figure of a Gentleman attributed to Barthélemy Prieur (c. 1536-1611, BK-NM-8042).¹⁷¹⁷R. Seelig-Teuwen, ‘Kavalier und Magd: Zu Barthélemy Prieurs Bronzestatuetten’, Weltkunst 23 (1991), pp. 3706-09. In light of the European fascination with regional cultures and customs (of attire) prevailing in the second half of the sixteenth century, the Amsterdam bronze – despite its portrait-like qualities – may quite plausibly be deemed as the depiction of a type versus any one individual.

The Striding Man’s dynamic stance and the absence of any attributes also led to repeated speculation regarding his function and the nature of his activity. To be depicted almost as if frozen in a majestic step versus a static pose is an unusual choice, most likely associated with the positioning of the arms and the attributes now missing from his hands. Later supported in his findings by Leeuwenberg, Staring believed the figure once held a staff in his right hand, as affirmed by a minuscule dent on the right side of the breeches, where one end of the staff would have rested.¹⁸¹⁸J. Leeuwenberg with the assistance of W. Halsema-Kubes, Beeldhouwkunst in het Rijksmuseum, coll. cat. Amsterdam 1973, no. 229. See also the letter written by the art historian A. Staring, on behalf of the Vereeniging Oranje-Nassau Museum, addressed to De Burlet, dated 19 February 1930 (in Object File). Microscopic analysis, however, revealed this to be nothing more than a blemish arising from a minor casting flaw. Evident is that, in his left hand, he originally held a dress sword, as indicated by the empty baldric over the left hip. Striding male figures, depicted with drawn dress sword and staff and attired in the same manner as the present figure, appear in various representations, including the funeral procession of William of Orange as depicted in Hendrick Goltzius’s twelve-part engraving from 1584 (e.g. RP-P-OB-10.417).¹⁹¹⁹Hendrick Goltzius, Haec Pompa funebris spectata fuit Batavorum Delphis, tertio die Augusti; Ao. 1584, see F.W.H. Hollstein, Goltzius – Heemskerck (Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, ca. 1450-1700, 8), Amsterdam 1953, p. 97 (H. 301). Might this striding male figure also have formed part of such an ensemble, executed in bronze? This seems rather unlikely, when acknowledging the absence of comparable figures possibly belonging to this sculptural cortège and with no other examples of such a set known to exist in sculpture.

An alternative, musicological interpretation proved equally untenable.²⁰²⁰F. Scholten, ‘Gegossene Bewegung: Anatomie einer um 1600 entstandenen deutschen Bronzestatuette’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 76 (2015), pp. 191-213, esp. p. 201. My thanks to Judith Wagter and Frank Dolman in Amsterdam for this suggestion (written communication 2006). The figure was said to be playing a violine, the late-sixteenth-century precursor of the cello,²¹²¹W. Joseph von Wasielewski, The Violoncello and Its History, New York 1894; A. Planyavsky, Geschichte des Kontrabasses, Tutzing 1984, pp. 15-34, 56-61 and figs. 5-16. with the right hand holding the bow in a manner associated with German playing technique circa 1600.²²²²My thanks to Judith Wagter and Frank Dolman in Amsterdam. See also W. Joseph von Wasielewski, The Violoncello and Its History, New York 1894, pp. 1-2, and Hans Judenkönig, Ain schone kunstliche Unterweisung in disem Büechlein, leychtlich zu begreyffen den rechten Grund zu lernen auff der Lautten und Geygen, Vienna 1523. Surprising parallels in the Striding Man’s raiment and posture can indeed be discerned in engravings from the sixteenth century depicting individuals playing such an instrument, e.g. a woodcut by Jost Amman from the Panoplia (1568) and a sketch from a ‘Schemparth-buch’ (Nuremberg, 1518).²³²³F. Scholten, ‘Gegossene Bewegung: Anatomie einer um 1600 entstandenen deutschen Bronzestatuette’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 76 (2015), pp. 191-213, esp. fig. 10. Hartmann Schopper, Panoplia Omnium Illiberalium mechanicarum aut sedentariarium artium genera continens (...), Nuremberg/Frankfurt am Main 1568. Nevertheless, a simple experiment involving small wooden sticks placed in the hands of the Striding Man ruled out such a possibility: only with great difficulty would the figure have been able to hold the violine and bow in a logical manner.

Clarity in this matter was finally provided in 2005 by neutron radiographic and tomographic analyses of the bronze.²⁴²⁴See R. van Langh, ‘Technical Reports’, in F. Scholten, M. Verber et al., From Vulcan’s Forge: Bronzes from the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 1450-1800, exh. cat. London (Daniel Katz Ltd.)/Vienna (Liechtenstein Museum) 2005-06, pp. 155-69, esp. p. 166 and figs. 39a, b. This research shed light on several eccentricities discernible in the statuette’s interior, revealing that the bronze was initially conceived with a simple mechanism inside the body. Analysis determined that the arms and lower legs were cast separately and inserted and soldered into the body only after, further reinforced with bronze rods. The study also led to the discovery of an arched opening in the figure’s back, sealed with great care and concealed by means of chasing. Lastly, two wedge-shaped pieces in the man’s lower torso were revealed.

An explanation for the enigmatic technical aspects of the Striding Man was provided by two bronze statuettes in the collection of the Herzog Anton Ulrich Museum in Braunschweig, which proved to show a surprising agreement.²⁵²⁵U. Berger and V. Krahn, Bronzen der Renaissance und des Barock: Katalog der Sammlung, coll. cat. Braunschweig (Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum) 1994, nos. 163, 164. These rather roughly cast male figures – each approximately 20 centimetres in height, with one exotically attired in a long robe with turban – possess the same narrow portal-shaped opening in the back, in form and location similar to the sealed, arched hole in the back of the present figure. Emerging from the opening on one of these bronzes is a metal lever that can be moved up and down causing the man’s right arm to move. Now missing on the pendant figure, a similar mechanism once served precisely the same function, moving the figure’s right arm. Both statuettes were intended for an Automatenuhr of the type produced in Augsburg and Nuremberg in the second half of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, where the clockwork drove the movement of the arms.²⁶²⁶A. Chapuis and E. Droz, Automata: A Historical and Technological Study, Neuchâtel 1958, figs. 79, 82; K. Maurice and O. Mayr (eds.), The Clockwork Universe: German Clocks and Automata, 1550-1650, Washington/New York 1980, nos. 70, 72, 89.

The corresponding openings in the backs of the Braunschweig figures leave virtually no doubt that the Amsterdam bronze also possessed (or was meant to possess) a mechanism of this kind, as such allowing his arms and lower legs to move. That this bronze once also functioned as a movable automaton figure is likewise suggested by the two wedge-shaped blocks in his lower abdomen, which would have functioned as securing points for the driving mechanism. The same kind of internal construction is also encountered, for example, in the belly of a drum-playing bear on an Augsburg Automatenuhr (c. 1585). The striding man accompanying a drumming bear on a second automaton clock, made in Augsburg by Erasmus Pirenbrunner in 1582, recalls the Amsterdam Striding Man somewhat, despite its much simpler manufacture and substantially smaller size.²⁷²⁷J.J. L. Haspels (ed.), Royal Music Machines: Vijf eeuwen vorstelijk vermaak, Zutphen 2006, pp. 42, 43, 48 (with ill.). Here too we find an eye for detail in the rendering of the figure’s attire, albeit in rudimentary form, typical of many automaton figures from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. The rather stiff and cumbersome poses and proportions often encountered on these works are more than compensated by an excess of engraved and modelled detail, the attention given to a varied surface texture, and the elaborate finishing, achieved by means of fire-gilding and sometimes even oil painting.

Assuming that the Striding Man originally belonged to the same genre – initially meant to move its arms and legs, driven by a clockwork mechanism – Augsburg would then be the obvious place of origin. Known for its clock and automaton production, around 1600 the city was also a leading centre of bronze casting.²⁸²⁸V. Krahn (ed.), Von allen Seiten schön: Bronzen der Renaissance und des Barock, exh. cat. Berlin (Staatliche Museen, Skulpturensammlung) 1995, nos. 62-71. Unlike a vast majority of the south-German Automatenuhren and statuettes, the Amsterdam bronze displays a remarkably high level of artistic quality and finishing. If also taking into account its relatively large scale, one can only conclude it was to be incorporated a particularly ambitious clock or automaton, perhaps even designed to accommodate multiple figures. Somewhat comparable in scale, detailing and pose are two known works (both with moving parts): an archer in the Musée national de la Renaissance in Ecouen – executed in steel, silver, gold and gilt bronze – and a huntsman from a silver parcel-gilt automaton (c. 1620 or earlier) by the Nuremberg master Wolf Christoff Ritter (active 1617-d. 1634) in the British Museum.²⁹²⁹Ecouen, Musée national de la Renaissance, inv. no. EC5 (h. 26 cm, as ‘Germany or Italy, 16th century’); London, British Museum, inv. no. WB.134 , see D. Thornton, A Rothschild Renaissance: Treasures from the Waddesdon Bequest, coll. cat. London (British Museum) 2015, pp. 304-09.

That the Striding Man possibly originates from the Hessisches Landesmuseum in Kassel, which is known to have de-acquisitioned much of its old collection in favour of pieces possessing greater regional interest, is particularly relevant in this context. If true, the present bronze might very well have belonged to the former collection of the landgraves of Hesse-Kassel, from which the museum’s collection arose, and perhaps even dates back to the Kunstkammer of Landgrave Wilhelm IV (1532-1592) and his son, Moritz (1572-1627), both renowned as men of learning and collectors of scientific instruments, mechanical devices and clocks, bronze sculptures and automatons.³⁰³⁰B. Kümmel, Der Ikonoklast als Kunstliebhaber: Studien zu Landgraf Moritz von Hessen-Kassel (1592-1627), Marburg 1996, esp. pp. 92-107, 156ff. See also B. Kümmel‚’Die Kunst- und Wunderkammer Moritz des Gelehrten’, in H. Borggrefe et al., Moritz der Gelehrte: Ein Renaissancefürst in Europa, exh. cat. Lemgo (Weserrenaissance-Museum Schloss Brake)/Kassel (Staatliche Museen Kassel, Orangerie) 1997, pp. 197-238; H. Borggrefe‚ ‘“Apelles lässt nimmer ein tag vorüber, dass er nicht ein linea gezogen habe”: Malerei und bildenden Kunst am Kasseler Hof’, in ibid., pp. 239-64; L. von Mackesen‚’Die Kasseler Wissenschaftskammer oder die Vermessung des Himmels, der Erde und der Zeit’, in ibid., pp. 385-412. For automatons in the early modern Kunst- und Wunderkammer, see for example H. Bredekamp, Antikensehnsucht und Maschinenglauben: Die Geschichte der Kunstkammer und die Zukunft der Kunstgeschichte, Berlin 2002, pp. 49-52; H. Bredekamp, Bilder bewegen: Von der Kunstkammer zum Endspiel, Berlin 2007, pp. 128-30; H. Bredekamp, Theorie des Bildakts, Berlin 2010, pp. 124-38 and J. Sawday, Engines of the Imagination: Renaissance Culture and the Rise of the Machine, Abingdon 2007, pp. 166-206. Unfortunately, no inventories of the Kassel Kunstkammer have survived from the period of Moritz and his father, leaving the question of whether the Striding Man once belonged to this illustrious collection unresolved.³¹³¹B. Kümmel, Der Ikonoklast als Kunstliebhaber: Studien zu Landgraf Moritz von Hessen-Kassel (1592-1627), Marburg 1996, p. 157; B. Kümmel‚’Die Kunst- und Wunderkammer Moritz des Gelehrten’, in H. Borggrefe et al., Moritz der Gelehrte: Ein Renaissancefürst in Europa, exh. cat. Lemgo (Weserrenaissance-Museum Schloss Brake)/Kassel (Staatliche Museen Kassel, Orangerie) 1997, pp. 197-238, esp. p. 198. The statuette is not mentioned in the Kassel inventory of all the landgrave’s houseware, the Inventarium uber allen Hausrath im schloss Cassel wie auch in allen fürstlichen neben gebewen vom 1ten Decembris 1626 angefangen bis uff den 15ten Januaij Ao 1627 (Hessisches Statsarchiv Marburg, inv. no. 4 b 164, fol. 43v). My thanks to Dr Antje Scherner, Sammlung Angewandte Kunst, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel (written communication 4 and 9 September 2015).

Frits Scholten, 2024

J. Leeuwenberg with the assistance of W. Halsema-Kubes, Beeldhouwkunst in het Rijksmuseum, coll. cat. Amsterdam 1973, no. 229, with earlier literature; C. Avery, ‘Hendrick de Keyser as a Sculptor of Small Bronzes: His Orpheus and Cerberus Identified’, Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 21 (1973), pp. 3-24, esp. p. 5 and fig. 3 (reprint in C. Avery, Studies in European Sculpture, vol. 1, London 1981, pp. 175-89, esp. p. 176 and fig. 3); R. Seelig-Teuwen, ‘Kavalier und Magd: Zu Barthélemy Prieurs Bronzestatuetten’, Weltkunst 23 (1991), pp. 3706-09, esp. p. 3709; Scholten in F. Scholten, M. Verber et al., From Vulcan’s Forge: Bronzes from the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam 1450-1800, exh. cat. London (Daniel Katz Ltd.)/Vienna (Liechtenstein Museum) 2005-06, no. 39; F. Scholten, ‘Gegossene Bewegung: Anatomie einer um 1600 entstandenen deutschen Bronzestatuette’, Wallraf-Richartz-Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 76 (2015), pp. 191-213

F. Scholten, 2024, 'anonymous or anonymous, Striding Man, AugsburgNeurenberg, c. 1600', in F. Scholten and B. van der Mark (eds.), European Sculpture in the Rijksmuseum, online coll. cat. Amsterdam: https://data.rijksmuseum.nl/200115894